E 407 THE W AR WITH MEXICO. 

.R59 " 

^^^^ ^ SPEECH 



HON, JOHN L, ROBINSON, OF INDIANA, 

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUxlRY 18, 1848. 

In Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on the Resolutions referring the 
President's Message to the various Standing Committees. 



Mr. ROBINSON said, he would claim the indulgence of the committee for a few 
minutes only, while he called their attention to two or three points that had been 
made in this debate. He did not expect to follow the poetical gentleman from 
Georgia, who had just taken his seat, through the windings of his remarks for his 
hour. There were but one or two topics in the gentleman's speech on which he 
should touch. One of them was the recent charge made against the Executive for 
withholding from this House the instructions given to Mr. Slidell, our late Minister " 
to Mexico. A fresh charge against the Executive in reference to this war I And 
although he had given this subject some little attention, he must say, of all the extraor- 
dinary issues, of all the extraordinary objections that had been made in reference 
to this war, this, it seemed to him, was the most extraordinary, and had the least 
foundation. He had not examined the precedents in relation to this matter ; but 
the idea that this House had the right to call upon the President of the United States 
to lay before the world any and all the instructions given to his diplomatic agents 
pending negotiations, was an idea so preposterous that there was not a man in the 
land but must see at once that it had no foundation in reason — not one; not a man 
even who knew how to be a horse-jockey but must treat it as ridiculous. Why, if 
you have a right to demand that the President make public the instructions to Mr. 
Slidell, you have a right to call on him for his instructions to JMr. Trist ; and if you 
have that right, you have also the right, in the event of his appointing commissioners 
to meet commissioners of Mexico at some intermediate place, the very moment they 
have started, to call upon him for the instructions given them ; which instructions 
may be published here, and, sent on the wings of the wind, may reach Mexico; and 
our ultimatum may be in the hands of the Mexican commissioners before our com- 
missioners may reach there. Any man who knows how to sell a dozen of eggs or a 
horse, knows how utterly futile it would then render the ePibrts of our agents to 
obtain any fair or reasonable terms from Mexico. 

A plenipotentiary's instructions are always graduated. He is told, if he cannot 
get this, take that ; here is the least you must accept, but take more if you can get 
it. But if the minister on the other side is advertised beforehand as to what is the 
least you will take, does any suppose he will be stupid enough to offer you more? 
Moreover, in this case the instructions were given to Mr. Slidell before the war com- 
menced. He (Mr. R.) apprehended he was instructed to ask much less then than 
our Government ought to be willing to accept now, after Mexico has put us to the 
enormous sacrifice of blood and treasure, which has resulted from the war she wick- 
edly commenced. 

But the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Schenck] asked, are you tame and craven 
enough to vote appropriations for carrying on a war until you know all the purposes 
that are to be accomplished by it? Why, in the name of common sense, what had 
the instructions to Mr. Slidell to do witli this war? They were never acted on by 
Mr. Slidell. So far from having anything to do with the commencememt of this war, 
they were not submitted to the Mexican Government at all ; for you know Mr. 
Slidell was rejected ; he was not entertained as our minister. His instructions were 
unknown to the Mexican Government, and whatever they may have been, could have 

Printed at the Congressional Globe Uftice. 



formed on their part no motive for the war. They would not even hear any propo- 
sition of peace. It was a mere pretext ; a pretext gotten up on the occasion, for 
the purpose of justifying some tender-footed gentlemen who come here from war 
districts to vote against supplies. 

He had not examined the historical precedents in reference to this matter of call- 
inor for the instructions or the correspondence in the hands of the Executive that 
may have passed between him and diplomatic confidential agents. By recollection 
alone, however, he could recur to a {q\s historical facts that vv'ould disclose the 
impropriety of publishing to the world these instructions and correspondence pending 
negotiations. In 1831 or 1833, pending a difficulty between this Government and 
France, the correspondence between Mr. Rives, who was so fortunate as to bring it 
to a conclusion, so far as bringing about a convention went — the correspondence 
between that distinguished gentleman and the French Government and his own 
Government was published ; published before the French Chambers made the neces- 
sary appropriation of twenty-five millions of francs, stipulated in that convention. 
What was the result? They all recollected that Mr. Rives intimated that he had 
overreached the French Minister in that negotiation ; that he had gotten more than 
he was authorized to take as his minimum ; and the consequence was, that it came 
well-nigh defeating the payment of the indemnity they had stipulated to pay. It 
well-nigh-brought about a war between this Government and that. It was true, also, 
that during the administration of the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts, there 
was a mission got up, and commissioners were started to the Congress of Panama, 
and, on being inquired of as to their instructions, he declined to communicate them, 
but referred the Plouse to the Senate, and said he would leave to that body to com- 
municate or not, as they saw fit. That gentleman not only claimed the right, on the 
part of the Executive, to withhold instructions, but he claimed the right to get up a 
mission without any authority of law, and then called on Congress to make appropri- 
ation for it. They recollected the excitement that grew up on that matter. But it seems 
to me those who got up this case upon the Executive were in search mainly of a very 
different affair than these instructions to Slidell. They expected to plow up a mare's 
nest in reference to the loudly-clamored but false accusation of a collusion between 
Santa Anna and Mr. Polk in reference to his return to Mexico. Mr. Polk, however, 
had withheld nothing on this point. He states that the order to Commodore Conner 
was given without collusion or correspondence with Santa Anna, or anyone else. 

So much in reference to that point. He passed to another — the pretext made by 
the gentleman from Georgia, the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. Lincoln,'] and others 
who opposed the war, in reference to the march of the army from Corpus Christi to 
the east bank of the Rio Grande. That movement, it was alleged, was the cause of 
this war; and the whole opposition to this war, sifted down, centred in that; and 
that foundation taken from them, their M'hole superstructure fell to the ground. He 
should not go into an argument in reference to the boundary line between the United 
States and Mexico, as to whether the Rio Grande was the true one or not, or whether 
Mr. Polk ought to have taken the army there or not. He referred the gentleman 
from Georgia and the gentleman from Illinois to the able speech of the able Senator 
from Maryland, [Mr. Johnson,] delivered the other day in the other wing of this 
building, wherein he not only ably and clearly demonstrates that the Rio Grande is 
our proper boundary, but that Mr. Polk gave no just cause of offence in sending the 
army there. But there was one point in the controversy to which he should call 
their attention. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Lincoln] intimated, in a set of 
resolutions submitted by him to this House, that General Taylor, who was then in 
command of the army, had intimated more than once that the army ought not to have 
been marched to the Rio Grande, and inquired of Mr. Polk upon this subject. Now, 
he presumed that that gentleman, and every other gentleman who had read the 
political history of the country, the history of passing events, knew very well what 
were the facts. But, at the risk of repeating what gentlemen knew, that those out 
of this House who should read his remarks, and who might not have access to the 
documents, might know all about it, he intended, v/ith some degree of deliberation, 
step by step, to examine this matter. 



He did it for the purpose of showing that the Whig party, or at least that portion 
of it who wished to make General Taylor their candidate for the Presidency, when 
they held that this movement was the cause of the war, were doing it as a mere 
pretext, and were hypocritical in making the charge. 

What were the facts? The resolutions of annexation passed the Congress of the 
United States on the 1st of March, 1845, before Mr. Polk came into office. On the 
6th of March thereafter, General Almonte, then the Mexican Minister to this 
country, demanded his passports and went home — alleging as the reason for this, 
that his Government would regard the act as cause of war. His Government at 
home went accordingly to issuing their war pronunciamentos, and raised and organ- 
ized an army with the avowed purpose of reconquering Texas to the Sabine. In 
view of these events, the Government and people of Texas demanded of this Gov- 
ernment protection. Mr. Polk had come into power finding these resolutions of 
annexation the law of the land. He could do no less, according to his sworn con- 
stitutional duty, than afford them the protection they asked. In the month of June, 
1845, he selected General Taylor, over the heads of all other officers, his seniors in 
rank, and made him his confidential officer to command the forces for the protection 
of Texas. On the 15th June, (to which the gentleman from Georgia referred,) it is 
true, he told General Taylor his ultimate destination would be the Rio Grande ; but 
on the 8th July the President very materially modified his instructions. Through the 
Secretary of War, he wrote as follows : 

" War Department, July 8, 1845. 

" Sir : This department is informed that Mexico has some military establishments on the east side' 
of the Rio Grande, which are, and for some time have been, in the actual occupancy of her troops. 
In carrying out the instructions heretofore received, you will be careful to avoid any acts of aggres- 
sion, unless an actual state of war should exist. The Mexican forces at the posts in their possession, 
and which have been so, will not be disturbed as long as the relations of peace between the United 
States and Mexico continue. WM. L. MARCY. 

" Brigadier General Z. Taylor." 

This was dated July 8. Mr. R. said it was a very material modification of the first 
letter of instructions given by Mr. Bancroft, the acting Secretary of War. This 
letter was received and acknowledged by General Taylor before he left New Orleans. 
On the 30th July, before General Taylor had yet taken his position in Texas, the 
Secretary of War wrote him a third and still more definite letter as to the objects of 
his mission. He wished to call the attention of the House to this letter particularly, 
for he held that upon it the whole argument turned; and he wished to' show that the 
President, in giving his instructions to General Taylor, was discreet, cautious, as 
much so as a man need be. The Secretary of War wrote thus to General Taylor: 

" He [the President] has not the requisite information in regard to the country to enable him to 
give any positive directions as to the position you ought to take, or the movements which it may be 
expedient to make. These must be governed by circumstances. While avoiding, as you have been 
instructed to do, all aggressive measures towards Mexico, as long as the relations of peace exist 
between that Republic and the United States, you are expected to occupy, protect, and defend the 
territory of Texas, to the extent that it has been occupied by the people of Texas. The Rio Grande 
is claimed to be the boundary between the two countries; and up to this boundary you are to 
extend your protection, only excepting any posts on the eastern side thereof which are in 
the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over which the Republic of Texas 
did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or shortly before that event. It is expected 
that, in selecting the establishment for your troops, you will approach as near the boundary line — the 
Rio Grande — as prudence will dictate. With this view, the President desires that your position for 
a part of your forces, at least, aliould be west of the river Nueces." 

This was the 30th July, 1845. Several other letters of like tenor and effect were 
written to General Taylor during that summer and fall. He would read short 
extracts from one or two of them only. On the 23d of August, of the same year, 
the President again said to General Taylor, through Secretary Marcy : 

"The information hitherto received as to the intentions of Mexico, and the measures she may 
adopt, does not enalile the Administration here to give you more explicit instructions in regard to 
your movements than those which have already been forwarded to you." 

What "instructions" were these? Why, they were "to occupy, protect, and 
defend the limits of Texas to the extent that it has been occupied by the people of 
Texas, or to the extent that the Republic of Texas had exercised her jurisdiction." 
Well, with these two letters of instructions of the 8th of July and the 30th of July 



before him, the one telling him that there were Mexican posts on this side of the Rio 
Grande, and the other that he was only to occupy and defend the territory of Texas, 
as occupied by the people of Texas, or over which Texas had exercised jurisdiction, 
what did General Taylor do in the premises? In answering the letter of the 30th of 
July, he acknowledged its receipt on the 15th of August at Corpus Christi, and 
said . 

" Our last mail (wliich was saved with difficulty from the wreck of a schooner on the 13th instant) 
brought your communications of July 28 and 30 — the latter enclosing a letter of the Secretary of War 
of the same date. I am gratified to find that my measures thus far have met the approbation of the 
Government and General-in-chief, and, particularly, to find that I have but anticipated the wishes of 
the President in taking up a position west of the Nueces." • 

He had already got beyond the river Styx, or beyond the Rubicon, as the gentleman 
over the way said. 

Now, on the 4th of October, with his instructions before him, that he was only to 
occupy and defend Texas so far as Texas had been occupied by its people, or so far 
as the Government of Texas had exercised jurisdiction, he says, writing from Corpus 
Christi : 

" For these reasons, our position thus far has, I think, been the best possible; but, now that the 
entire force would soon be concentrated, it may well be a question whether the views of the Govern- 
ment would be carried out by our remaining at this point." 

General Taylor was down there on the Rio Grande, two thousand miles from this 
Capitol ; he had facilities for knowing how far Texas had occupied the country or 
exercised jurisdiction that Mr. Polk had not. Hence, Mr. Polk had given him a carte 
blanche — had allowed him to use his own discretion in the premises. With this power 
and those instructions before him, he said : " It is with great deference" — he seemed 
to be aware, said Mr. R.,here, thnthe was treading on ground that properly belonged 
to the Cabinet and not to the field — " that I make any suggestion on topics which 
'may become matter of delicate negotiation; but if our Government, in settling the 
' question of boundary, makes the line of the Rio Grande an ultimatum, I cabinet 
'doubt" — he could not doubt what.' That to move an army would brino- on v^'arr 
That it would be an invasion of Mexico .? — "I cannot doubt that the settlement 
' would be greatly facilitated and hastened by our taking possession at once of one 
' or two suitable points on or quite near that river." 

There, then, General Taylor gave it as his deliberate opinion, that it would not he 
an invasion of Mexico; that it would not probably bring on a war between the two 
countries, but that it would "facilitate and hasten" peace by moving the army to the 
Rio Grande. Now you talk of making this same General Taylor your candidate for 
the Presidency. Suppose he had been your President, could you expect him to have 
acted otherwise as President than he advised the President to act when general of 
your army.' 

And further, in the same letter : 

"Our strength and state of preparation should be displayed in a manner not to be mistaken. 
However salutary may be the effect produced upon the border people by our presence here, we are 
too far from the frontier"— not beyond it, then, (said Mr. R.)— " to impress the Government of Mexico 
with our readiness to vindicate, by force of arms, if necessary, our title to the country as far as the 
Rio Grande. The ' cirmy of occupation' will, in a few days, be concentrated at this point, in condition 
for vigorous and efficient service. Mexico having as yet made no positive declaration of war, or com- 
mitted any overt act of hostilities, 1 do not feel at liberty, under my instructions, particularly those of 
July 8, to make a forward movement to the Rio Grande, without authority from the War Deoart- 
ment." ^ 

Again, under the same date, he says : 

" In case a forward movement should be ordered or authorized, I would recoinmend the adoption 
of Point Isabel and Laredo as the best adapted to the purposes of observing the course of the river 
and covermg the frontier settlements of Texas." 

He recommended (said Mr. R.) these two points — one at the mouth, the other a 
good way up the stream — as best adapted to do the very thing he was sent there to 
do, to wit: to cover and protect the frontier of Texas. So^'much for that letter, 
merely adding, by way of a parenthesis, that it has been frequently brought as a com- 
plaint against the President, that he sent him there with too small a^force. But, 
bearing on this point. General Taylor added, in a postscript: "Should any auxiliary 



5 

force be required, I propose to draw it wholly from Texas. I do not conceive that 
it will become necessary, under any circumstances, to call for volunteers from the 
United States." Yet he had ample authority to do so, (said Mr. R.,) as may be seen 
in the very letter of instructions of the 13th of January, 1846, which finally took 
him there. 

Just here he would pause a moment. This letter was written on the 4th of Octo- 
ber. Why was it that. the President of the United States did not, in accordance with 
the sug<restions of General Taylor, then (jive him the order to go to the Rio Grande, 
where he suggested he ought to go ? Why, because this much-abused President, 
who was charged with precipitating the country into a war with Mexico wantonly, 
wickedly, was so anxious to avert this calamity. He was about making application, 
through Mr. Black, our consul at Mexico, for sending a minister there, and asking 
that Government if they would receive him. Application was made, Mexico agreed 
to receive one, and early in November Mr. Slidell was sent. 

Pending this attempt at negotiation, the President thought it unwise to comply 
with the suggestions of General Taylor. The General was a little ahead of him. 
Mr. Slidell w'as sent there. He arrived at Vera Cruz the 30th November; he reached 
the capital the 6th December, and was finally rejected, not later than the 24th, he 
believed the 2l5t of December. He had recently seen it stated, in a great manifesto, 
issuing, he believed, from Lexington, that the President, whilst his minister of peace 
was wending his way to the capital of Mexico, gave the fatal order to the army to 
march from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande. So far from that being true, Mr. 
Slidell reached the city of Mexico on the 6th December, and was rejected on the 
21st; and the order for the advance of the army was not given sooner than the 13th 
January, when all attempts at negotiation had failed. I say all attempts had failed; 
for in five days after Herrera's rejection of Mr. Slidell, his own Government was 
overthrown by Paredes, who had revolutionized against him, because he (Herrera) 
had agreed to receive a minister of peace from the United States in the month ot 
October previous. I say this was the ground of that revolution, as was openly 
avowed by Paredes, and subsequently acknowledged by Herrera, when appointed a 
commissioner to treat with Mr. Trist. (See his letter, Executive Document No. 1, 
page 41, of this Congress.) The order was given on the 13th January, after the 
Mexicans had refused to receive Mr. Slidell at all, to look into his instructions, or 
talk about making a treaty. Now, let us see the order of the 13th of January. On 
the 13th January^ 1846, the Secretary of War, writing to General Taylor, says: 

" Sir : I am rtireoted by the Prcriideiit to instruct yon to advance and occupy, with the troops under your command, 
pointions on or ne;ir the east bank of the Rio del Norte, as soon as it can conveniently be done with reference to the 
season and the route by wliieh your movements must be made. From the views heretofore presented to this depart- 
ment,"— [what views? asked Mr. R. The views submitted l)y General Taylor on the 4th October previous]— " it is 
presumed Point Isabel wo ild be considered by you an eligible position. 1'liis point, or some one near it, and points 
opposite Malanioros and Mier, and in the vicinity of Laredo, are sugijesled for your consideration. But you are left to 
your better knowledge to determine the post or posts which you are to occupy, as well as the question ot dividing your 
forces with the view to occupying two or more positions." 

This is the final order for the advance of the army after it was known that Mr. 
Slidell would not be received; atid in that final order the President, through tUe 
Secretary of War, only complied with the suggestions of General Taylor, and told 
him he presumed these points would be considered eligible, because recommended 
before. 

He did not review this matter for the purpose of attaching blame to General Taylor; 
not at all. He believed he did right; that his suggestions were at the time good. 
He did it merely for the purpose of showing the hypocrisy of the party who denounced 
Mr. Polk arid lauded General Taylor. On the 13th of January, the Secretary of War 
distinctly told General Taylor: 

" In the positions you may take in carrying- out these instructions and other movements that may 
be made, the use of tiic Rio del Norte may be very convenient, if not necessary. Should you attempt 
to exercise the right whicli the United Siatc3 have in common with Mexico to the free navigation of 
this river, it is probable Mexico v^^ould interpose resistance. You will not attempt to enforce that 
right without further instructions." 

The Secretary of War here tells General Taylor that if the free navigation of that 
river is disputed, without further orders from the department, not to undertake to 
enforce it. But General Taylor, not only without order, but in violation of order, 



6 

did undertake to enforce the right to the exclusive navigation of the Rio Grande. 
He (Mr. R.) would not say this was wrong; he believed General Taylor did right; 
he mentioned it merely for the purpose of showing that the man whom some of them 
proposed to make the President of the United States was ahead of the President all 
the time. He believed if General Jackson had been there, he would not only have 
gone up to the bank of the Rio Grande, but he would not have waited there for Arista 
to cross over and attack him ; he would have taken the initiative. He believed he 
would have been justified in so doing, for a man was not bound to wait until he was 
knocked down before he attempted to defend himself; he might anticipate the blow, 
and prevent it if possible. 

But in order to show beyond all question or cavil what were General Taylor's 
views as to what would be the effect of his movement to the Rio Grande, he (Mr. R.) 
would quote from still another letter, and one written, too, after he had received the 
order to go. It is his letter dated " Corpus Christi, Texas, February 4, 1846," in 
which he says: 

" In reply to the call of the Secretary for information as to what means, if any, will be required ' to 
enforce and maintain our common right to navigate' the Rio Grande, I would respectfully state, that 
until I reach the river and ascertain the condition of things in the frontier States of Mexico, temper 
of the people, &c., I cannot give any satisfactory answer to the question. I have every reason to 
believe that the people residing on the river are well disposed towards our Government. Our advance 
to llie Rio Grande ivill itself produce a powerful effect, and it may be that the common navigation of the 
river will not be disputed. It is very important to us, and will be indispensable when posts are estab- 
lished higher up, as must ultimately be the case." 

Here he talks of the " powerful effect" his "advance itself" would have, and evidently 
thought that so far from producing a war, it would avert that very calamity. The 
navigation of the river was "important" to us — " indispensable" — as posts "must" be 
established higher up that river. 

Mr. R. said he wished now to quote one other letter of General Taylor's, and he 
would leave this branch of the subject. It is his despatch of April 26, after hostilities 
had commenced, as follows : 

" FIeadquarters, Army of Occupation, ^ 
'■'■Camp near JIatamorus, Texas, ^flpril 26, 1846. ') 

"Sir: I have respectfully to report that General Arista arrived in Matamoros on the 24th instant, 
and assiimed the chief command of the Mexican troops. On the same day he addressed me a com- 
munication, conceived in courteous terms, but saying that he considered lioslilities commenced, and 
should prosecute them. A translation of his note, and copy of my reply, will be transinitted the 
moment they can be prepared. I despatch this by an express which is now waiting. I regret to 
report that a party of dragoons, sent out by me on the 24th instant, to watch the course of the river 
above on this bank, became engaged with a very large force of the enemy, and after a short affair, in 
which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and compelled to sur- 
render. Not one of the party has rettu-ncd, except a wounded man sent in this morning by the Mexi- 
can commander, so that 1 cannot report with confidence the particulars of the engagement, or the fate of 
the officers, except that Captain Hardee was known to be a prisoner and unhurt. Captain Thornton, 
and Lieutenants Mason and Kane, were the other officers. The party was sixty-three strong. 

" Hostilities may now be considered as commenced, and I have this day deemed it necessary to call 
upon the Governor of Texas for four regiments of volunteers, two to be mounted, and two to serve as 
foot. As some delay must occur in collecting these troops, I have also desired the Governor of Lou- 
isiana to send out four regirnents of infantry as soon as practicable. This will constitute an auxiliary 
force of nearly five thousand men, which will be required to prosecute the war with energy, and carry 
Jt, as'il slioitld be, into the enemy's country. I trust the department will approve my course in this matter, 
and will give (he necessary orders to the staff departments for the supply of this large additional force. 

" If a law could be passed, authorizing the President to raise volunteers for twelve months, it would 
be of the greatest importance for a service so remote from support as this. 

" I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient seryant, Z. TAYLOR, 

" Brevet Brig. Geti. U. S. ^i., commanding. 

"The Adjutant General of the Army, Washington, D. C." 

Mr. R. said he had quoted this letter for two purposes : First, to show that General 
Taylor, while on the bank of the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoros, considered himself 
still in Texas. He so dates his letter — distinctly "Texas." Second, to show, that 
inasmuch as hostilities were then commenced by Mexico, the war should be prose- 
cuted with " energxj," and carried into the " enemy's coUiNTRY." Though then where 
his affected votaries and advocates for the Presidency now declare was already in 
the "enemy's country," he did not so think, he did not so speak; but he was in 
favor of getting over there without delay. 



Mr. R. said he might here pause again, and ask the country what they thought of 
the consistency, the political honesty, of a class of politicians whose whole artillery 
was levelled at Mr. Polk, because he had, in accordance with General Taylor's own 
suggestions, ordered him to go where he wanted to go — where he expressed so 
strongly the opinion he could produce such a "powerful" and "salutary" effect 
by going, — yet, at the same time, advocate this General's claims for the Presidency, 
for and in consideration of the identical acts which they declare are sufficient to 
authorize the impeachmer^t of Mr. Polk. Such a course is, however, characteristic 
of them throughout their whole history. It is worthy of them. It appears to be the 
last shot in their locker. Tiiey have been struggling for power ever since I recollect, 
and long before ; yet they have succeeded in securing but one single Congress in 
about twenty years — that which came into power in 1841, — and we all know what 
was the end and fate of that. When they attempted to put their principles into 
practice, they at once became so odious that they were swept out of power by an 
overwhelming torrent of indignation. Since then, they have sunk the old issues; 
they stand upon them no longer ; they are now attempting to get into power by 
taking sides against their own country when it is engaged in a foreign M^ar. Who 
doubts the issue, let them rally under what leader they may? 

There was one other pretext to which he wished to turn the attention of the 
committee, in reference to the commencement of this war. It had frequently been 
stated, here and elsewhere, that the Congress of the United States were in session 
at the time this order was given, and were wholly unapprized of it ; that they were 
taken by surprise. Let them see how much truth there was in that statement. On 
the 1st December, 1845, some time before this order was given, and five months 
before the war commenced, the President of the United States, in his annual mes- 
sage, told Congress: 

"The moment the terms of annexation offered by the United States were accepted by Texas, the 
latter became so far a part of our own country as to make it our duty to afford such protection and 
defence. 1 therefore deemed it proper, as a precautionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the 
coast of Mexico, and to concentrate an efficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our 
army was ordered to take position in the country between tiie Nueces and the Del Norte, and to repel 
any invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Our squadron 
in the Gulf was ordered to cooperate with the army." 

Now, here, in his annual message in December, 1845, the President distinctly 
told Congress that he had ordered the army to take a position between the two 
rivers, and repel any invasion of the Texan territory. But still more. Mr. Secretary 
• Marcy, in his report of the same date, said : 

"The ready acceptance on the part of Texas of the terms of annexation proffered by this Govern- 
ment excited the ill-will of the Government of Mexico. T)uU Republic menaced the immediate 
commencement of hostilities against the United States, and set on foot, as it was said, extensive 
preparations to invade and subjugate Texas. Pursuant to your directions, an army of occupation 
was assembled in that State, and Brigadier General Taylor assigned to the command of it. He was 
instructed to repel Mexican aggressions, and protect the country from Indian invasions; to regard the 
Rio del Norte as its western boundary; and to select a position for his forces with reference to this 
frontier; but to leave unmolested Mexican settlements, and also military posts, should there be any 
such posts on the east bank of that river, which were in the occupation of Mexican forces previously 
to the period when Texas assented to the terms of annexation." 

Here they found that the Secretary of War, in his annual report in December, 1845, 
reasserted the fact that General Taylor was sent between these rivers and ordered to 
protect Texan territory up to the Rio del Norte. Yet you allege (said Mr. R.) that 
in the spring of 1846 you were taken all by surprise. 

Still more, they found in the letter of the coinmanding general, (General Scott,) 
accompanying the President's message of this date, the following: 

"Thp uiovenients of troops in the liirection of Texas have been numerous. There are now in that country delach- 
ments from Ihe tour regiments of artillery, the whole of lhc2il dragoons, the 3(1, 4th, 5th, 7th and 8th regiments ot infantry, 
which (ahoul 4,000 nieii) compose the army of occupation, under tlie Brevet llri^'adier General Taylor, an officer of hi^h 
merit. What detachments he may have made from Corpus Christi, or what provisional posts occupied, under the instru"c- 
tions of the War Department, time has not yet permitted us to learn. But from his known character, that of his general 
staff, commanders of corps, officers and men, there is no doubt the army of occupation will be more than sutficfent for 
any defensive exigency liitely to occur in that quarter." 

They saw (said Mr. R.) in all these annual reports, in reference to this movement, that Congress 
was fully apprized of it. It was known what General Taylor was doing there, where he was, how 
far his instructions v.-ent. With what grace, then, (he asked,) can you come before the country in 



8 

1846, ill the month of May, and tell ihem you were taken by surprise? that you had never read the 
documents laid on your tables for the very purpose of giving information on this subject? 

General Taylor, notwithstanding he was ordered to lake up his line of march as early as January, 
d.d not move from Corpus Christi until the llih March, 1846. With the army he arrived on the 
banks of the Rio Grande on the 28th of that month. Now, if Mr. Clay's allegation had anything in 
it in the world — if it had any foundation, they saw how far he had missed the mark ; that was to say, 
if the order to General Taylor to go the Rio Grande, or his actual march to that river had any influence 
in preventing the reception of Mr. Slidell, he (Mr. Clay) was sixty days wide of the mark; because, 
notwithstanding the order was given the 13th January, he did not commence his march until the 11th 
of March, and did not arrive at the Rio Grande until the 28ih of that month. On the 12th April, 
General Ampudia ordered General Taylor to withdraw. On the 24th, General Arista notified General 
Taylor that hostilities had commenced ; and on that day Ampudia crossed over the river, and the 
attack was made on Thornton's command. Here, then, the first gun was fired, the first blood was 
spilt, by order of Ampudia; not by order of Mr. Polk or of General Taylor. 

He would not pursue this subject further. Suffice it to say, it now reached Wa.shinglon that our 
army down there was surrounded ; that it had been attacked ; a division of it had been cut off. Con- 
gress moved promptly, and passed a war-bill ; they placed at the command of President Polk ten 
millions of dollars, fifty thousand volunteers, the army and navy and militia, and told him to prosecute 
this war to a speedy termination. 

Now, he asked those who were here and voted for this war-bill then, with what grace they could 
now turn round and declare that Mr. Polk was the author of this war? Why did they not tell him 
to bring back our army within our rightful limits, our proper jurisdiction? They had gone too far. 
For the purpose, however, of bringing reproach upon a Democratic Administration, of obtaining a 
pretence wherewith to attack the Democracy, they were ready to acknowledge that they voted a lie. 

They were ready to stultify themselves, too, by telling the country they knew nothing of what was 
in the President's annual message and accompanying documents, laid on their tables five months 
before. They were ready to calumniate the very acts of their own favorite chieftain, (General 
Taylor.) And in relation to boundary, they repudiate the established and hitherto acknowledged 
geoo-raphy of the country, its political history, and even trample under foot the authority of their own 
Teaders, most of whom have already acknowledged the Rio Grande to be the true boundary. They 
do more still; they assign as a cau.se of this war, what Mexico herself has never assigned : she says 
she is fighting about Texas — Texas to the Sabine, not to the Nueces. 

Congress had now been in session seven weeks; this v.^a^ the seventh week of the session. So far 
as this House is concerned, those of us on this side of the Hou.se (said Mr. R.) are utterly powerless 
in respect to the control or management of business. We can do nothing. Our votes, however, 
have shown that we have attempted to further the public business — that we have at least not attempted 
to retard it. We have voted, day after day, to refer the President's message, that the standing com- 
mittees of the House might take it, parcel it out, and bring bills forward in accordance with or 
against its recommendations, as they see fit; in short, that we might go to work. The Opposition, 
however, who had the power, had refused this, and the message was not yet referred. You told the 
country, (continued Mr. R.,) that if you got the power, you would stop this war; that it is a wicked, 
unconstitutional one; that the Democratic party ought to be overthrown, and you put in power. 
Well, so far as this House is concerned, you are in power. What have you done? Have you come 
forward with a single tangible proposition? Not one. On the contrary, some of you have voted one 
day that the troops ought to be withdrawn, that the war was ^' unnecessarily and unconstitutionally 
commenced by the President of the United States;" yet another portion of you refuse to take this stand. 
We ask you to come forward, in obedience, if you pltease, to the mandate of Mr. Clay, and declare 
what you think ought to be the objects of this war. We do not deny you the right to make this declara- 
tion; whether the President is bound to obey it, is another question. Come forward — declare what 
is your object. If you go for stopping the war, for bringing back our troops, say so. The result 
cannot be more hurniliating to the pride and glory of the country than it will be to sit still and do 
nothing. You are bound, according to your promises, to do something, and to do it quickly. As 
long as you sit here refusing supplies and voting that the war was " unnecessarily and unconstitu- 
tionally commenced by the President," whatever may be your motives for such a vote, its effect is to 
aflford "aid and comfort" to the enemy. 

The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Lincoln] said this was the first time he had ever ventured to make 
such a declaration. That was a very remarkable statement. He had never ventured to tell the people 
of Springfield district, Illinois, when electioneering for his seat, that the war was unnecessary and 
unconstitutional ; but after he got here he could venture to d'.clare it! How many gentlemen were in 
a like predicament, who had gotten here without committing themselves on this question, perhaps the 
subsequent events of the session would delare. The country, however, looked to them to take their 
position. You must do one of three things, said Mr. R. You must bring your army to the Nueces, 
where you say the line is; you must take a line in advance of that; or you must go on and prosecute 
the war, according to the suggestion of the President of the United States. Which course you will 
take you ought to declare, and declare quickly. If our soldiers in Mexico are to be withdrawn, and no 
more supplies are to be granted, it ought to be known as quickly as possible, in order that the Execu- 
tive may conform to the emergencies of the question. If it is to be done, instead of sitting here day 
by day and making charges against the President, you should come out and declare it boldly before 
the country, and acknowledge our disgrace in the face of the civilized world. 

LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



011 446 867 8 



